Baron Ii Naosuke and the End of the Edo Period
"Since the appearance of Mr. S. Shimada's book, Kaikoku Shimatsu, (Summary of the Opening of Japan to Civilization), I have been desirous of introducing the great subject of his book…
From: 1603 C.E. To: 1868 C.E.
Location: Hakone, Japan
Note: This article has been excerpted from a larger work in the public domain and shared here due to its historical value. It may contain outdated ideas and language that do not reflect TOTA’s opinions and beliefs.
“Introductory Chapter,” from Agitated Japan: the Life of Baron Ii Kamon-No-Kami Naosuké by Shimada Saburo and Yoshimaro Satoh, 1896.
Without the least taint of flattery it may be safely asserted that Japan is indebted to no other country so much as to the United States. This indebtedness began on her first trial of that international intercourse which she has kept up ever since, and will doubtlessly continue as long as the world shall last. It is an undeniable fact that the honor of having opened the hitherto secluded Empire of Japan to foreign intercourse, commercial and otherwise, rests with the United States.
Although in the order of chronology, the priority of commercial relations with Japan, belongs to the Netherlands, yet the actual opening of the Empire to active foreign intercourse dates from the time when Commodore M. C. Perry was sent by the American government to knock at the door which had been kept closed for hundreds of years.
The sudden appearance of the American war-ships off Uraga in 1853 acted on Japan like the sounds of a cannonade in the ears of a warrior who, after years of hard fighting had been slumbering in perfect enjoyment of undisturbed rest. "Be up and doing" was echoed and re-echoed throughout the length and breadth of the whole Empire. Not to speak of the mass of people, even the so-called educated class knew little of the serious consequence involved in their actions. The cry "repel the foreigner" was heard on every side.
This party of exclusion quickly found adherents in every part of the Empire. The castle of Yedo in which the "Tycoon" or Shogun had his seat of government was assailed on every side with the demand for obedience to the traditions of seclusion. The Shogunate found itself between the dilemma of foreign intercourse and civil war. The Roju, or Senators of the Shogunate, were divided amongst themselves, and the results of this division were seen in frequent changes in the personnel of this Senate or Cabinet of the Tokugawa Government which had ruled in Yedo since A.D. 1603.
Request of time for consideration had been made to the American envoy, Perry, on his first coming to Japan, but now the matter could not be put off under the same excuse. The question had to be referred to the Emperor in Kioto, but no favorable answer was received. The Daimio, or Barons of the land had been consulted, but they were in favor of isolation. The officers of the Shogunate knew well the impossibility of refusing intercourse with foreign nations. Placed between two conflicting elements, the Tokugawa government in Yedo could make no advance in either way. Yet the thing could not be left in abeyance any longer. Sufficient time for consideration had been granted by the American envoy and the answer must be given.
Among the Princes of Tokugawa lineage, Prince Rekko of Mito, better known in annals of those days as the Senior Prince of Mito, was the most powerful and zealous advocate of the exclusion policy. Even if there had been a single daimio who knew the impossibility of keeping the country closed, public opinion was such, and the power of the Exclusion Party was so great, that he dared not express his own convictions. Since the establishment of the Tokugawa family nothing had shaken the whole empire like this question of foreign intercourse.
Hitherto it had been the policy of the Shogun to decide political matters without reference either to the Imperial Court or to the daimios. In a word, his governing power was unlimited; and this was never disputed by the Emperor or his Court. When in the seventeenth century, the order to close the country to foreign commerce had been issued, Iyeyasu never referred the question, great as it was, to the Emperor for his approval, nor did the Imperial Cabinet ever blame him for so doing.
In other words, the Shogun was invested with nearly absolute rule. Having once possessed the power to close the whole country to foreign commerce, and to prohibit Japanese subjects from going abroad, why should the Yedo government hesitate now in making decisive answer to the American demands? Why did it not enter into a commercial treaty with the United States, if it deemed it to be of any interest to the nation? Why was it that, instead of taking the whole responsibility on itself, it referred the question to the Mikado and to the daimios?
In explanation of this apparent deviation from the policy hitherto followed two things offer themselves:
1. The Cabinet of the Shogun lacked an able leader bold enough to take the whole responsibility on his own shoulders.
2. The officers of the Shogunate were sufficiently acquainted with the spirit of the times outside of Japan, which clearly showed them the difficulty of strictly adhering to the traditions of exclusion, and yet they feared the public opinion at home.
The Tokugawas had, up to this time, enjoyed an undisputed rule over the whole land for more than two hundred years; yet it seems there could be no exception to the inevitable tendency to weakness and degeneracy which attends upon long enjoyment of peaceful rule. History is full of similar instances.
The Tokugawas after the eighth Shogun (Yoshimune, 1717-1744) began to show signs of effeminacy and decay. The hardy race of soldiers who had hitherto guarded the honor and power of the House founded by Iyeyasu sought enjoyment, not in the exercise of arms, but in music and dancing. This tendency culminated at the time of the thirteenth of the line, Iyesada, (1833-1858) generally called Onkio-in. His period of rule, though of short duration was unlike any of his predecessors in outward refinement and enjoyment of ease. Factors were already at work which were undermining the power of the Tokugawas. These, though they did not come to the surface, were actively operative, concealed under guise of fidelity to the Shogunate and quiet submission to its rule. Let but an occasion arise and those factors were ready to start up in opposition to the Yedo autocrat.
Divided within, and critically watched without, the Shogunate suddenly found itself confronted with the insoluble problem of foreign intercourse. The whole country was at once left in anxious suspense. Only extraordinary ability and rare foresight could effect complete deliverance. Never was the need of an able pilot so keenly felt as at this time of opposing currents which involved the whole country in a state of ceaseless commotion.
The only way to obtain a man for the hour lay in the abolition of the long established custom of limiting eligibility to the Shogunate by lineal or political influence. The gateway to responsible position in the government must be thrown wide open so as to admit men of desired abilities. Hence it was that at this time the instances of promotion were more frequent, while abnormally rapid, than at any time, since the establishment of the Yedo government by the great, if not the greatest statesman of the land of Yamato—Prince Tokugawa Iyeyasu.
Wisdom and ability were naturally sought among the students of the Yedo University (Shoheiko) and many were selected therefrom to fill important posts. But the long established methods of choosing officers could not at once undergo so great a renovation as to admit any of those students to the high office of Roju or Senator.
However able and qualified the graduates of the University might be, they never rose higher than to the offices of Metsuke (Overseer) and Bugio, (Governor or Director). As such, however, they were no doubt consulted by the Senators on matters of great importance. The office of Roju was only open to those Daimio or Barons who submitted themselves as vassals to Prince Iyeyasu before he became the Shogun or Mikado's lieutenant. This class in the landed nobility was called the Retainer Barons (Fudai Daimio) in contradistinction to those Daimio who had been Lords of provinces (Koku-shu) before the Tokugawa Shogunate was established.
When these Province-lords yielded to the authority of the Yedo government, they were suffered to hold their inherited lands under the obligation of submitting themselves to the rule of the Tokugawas acting as lieutenants of the Emperor, or Shoguns. It was out of the Fudai or Retainer Barons that the high officers were appointed. The official positions next in grade, such as overseers, directors, etc., were filled by Hatamoto, or Supporters of the Flag, one of the military classes that formed the personal guard of the Shogun.
According to the constitution of the Yedo government, it was possible to appoint an officer who should rank above the Roju or Senators. Tairo was the name of that highest office. Literally it means the Great Elder, and may be translated President-Senator. A Tairo was to be appointed in times of great urgency only, and on no other occasions. But sometimes this title was given to some one in recognition of his meritorious services.
The authority vested in the Tairo was dictatorial. Nobody, except the Shogun, had a right to say aught against what he commanded. There were not many in the whole history of the Tokugawas (1603-1868) who were appointed to this highest office, and the subject of this brief biography was the last Tairo. To foreigners he was usually known as the Gro-Tairo. The first syllable being purely honorary.
The times were such, as we have already mentioned, that without an able guiding hand, the whole country might easily be involved in irreparable strife, commotion, and woe. Without a bold statesman who could bear the whole responsibility on his own shoulders, without a sincere patriot prepared to die for the cause of his country, and without diplomatic talent backed by keen insight into the future of Japan, the whole empire might fall a miserable prey to the dangerous strifes of political factious and party rivalries. Thanks be to Heaven, this great ability and a patriotism sufficient to meet the requirement of the times were found in the person of the Lord of I Eikone Castle, Baron Ii Naosuke by name, better known in foreign annals as Ii Kamon-no Kami.
Yet this man's merits, varied and extraordinary as they were, had as yet scarcely commanded public recognition. A majority of the politicians and public writers of those days, were either ignorant of current thought outside of Japan, or were so blinded by their political prejudices, that they not only failed to appreciate the rare merits of the great Baron, but they openly attacked his policy and loudly cried: "Exclusion! Exclusion! No foreign barbarians in this land of gods."
Even if there were some who approved of his policy, and clearly saw the necessity of opening intercourse with foreign nations, the power of the Exclusion Party was so predominant that they dared not express their own ideas. If there were a few brave enough to publish their approbation of Baron li's policy, their voices were soon drowned by the almost universal cries of exclusion and isolation. The political opponents of the great Baron would not have hesitated to call him publicly a rebel, or a betrayer of national interest, if they were only free to express their feelings. In private conversation and correspondence, they applied to him every name that malice and hatred could invent.
The great man was so much in advance of his times, that what he did for his country was not appreciated until many years after his death. His foresight was so far-reaching that in what his contemporaries saw nothing but unmixed evil, he clearly beheld benefit and advantage for the future of his beloved country. While he lived, and for many years after his cruel assassination, his name was remembered only as that of a selfish autocrat. Making a determined stand against public opinion, he could not help but create bitter political enemies, while his arguments so much in advance of his times, and his strict adherence to the interest of the Tokugawa Shogunate, made not a few personal enemies, both among the officers of the government and the Princes and Barons of the land.
His cruel assassination was nothing else than an outcome of bitter feelings against him, political as well as personal in their nature.
According to feudal law, if any one in the military classes, gentry or Barons, were assassinated, the pension and land entailed upon the person assassinated, were liable to confiscation, and the family to be politically extinguished.
Baron Ii Naosuke was assassinated. Should his baronetcy be confiscated and his title be extinguished? Should the most prominent among the Retainer Barons be cast out of the great honor and privilege? Should he who died a martyr to the interest of the whole Empire be deprived of the rank of a Baron? The assassins except one, were those who had been retainers of the Prince of Mito, who was the greatest political opponent of the dead statesman.
Naturally enough, the retainers of the unfortunate Baron understood the cruel act as originating from the Clan of Mito. Revenge on Mito was the only thought among the followers of the Lord of Hikone, and attempts at vengeance would have involved the two powerful clans in bloody strife. Let war be once declared, and the consequence would have been far more serious than at other times.
One party in the Hikone Clan worked hard to escape, if possible, the penalty attending the unfortunate death of the beloved master. In order at least to lessen the impending penalty, the two confidential secretaries of the great Baron, Nagano Shuzen and Utsugi Rokunojo, were put to death. The spirit of revenge grew more and more among the Hikone Clan, but with great difficulty it was pacified. This was done by calling the attention of the excited men to the instruction that had been given by one of their former lords, Naotaka by name, which happily served to stifle for a while all serious agitation.
Implicit obedience to the Tokugawa government was clearly set forth in this instruction, which, having been issued by him who was counted among the greatest of the Lords of Hikone, exerted a sufficiently potent influence to pacify the excitement agitating; the whole clan.
Here again the already disturbed Shogunate found itself face to face with another great problem—the confiscation of territory and extinction of the title of first in rank among the Retainer Barons; but fortunately it did not abide by the letter of the law. The Yedo government satisfied legal requirements by confiscating only a part of the baronial land.
The great, and to some, the terrible Tairo being dead, attacks on the Shogun's policy became louder and louder. Along with these assaults the name of Ii Kamon-no-Kami came to be ranked with those of cho-teki, traitors or rebels. The feeling against him was so bitter that in order to prevent any further misfortune falling upon the Clan of Hikone, it became necessary to burn up all the official papers and records of him who was now classed, by the inflamed public opinion of the times, among the worst of rebels and enemies of the land. It was given out that those documents had been committed to fire by two of the Baron's retainers, Riuhoji and Okubo.
Nevertheless Okubo managed to save the precious documents. "There will be nothing," he said, "to prove the sincerity and unmixed fidelity of Lord Naosuke, if these papers be destroyed. Whatever may come, I dare not burn them. If my secret concealment of these papers be exposed, then will I burn them, and atone for the guilt of concealment by killing myself. I am determined to preserve these precious documents at the risk of my life."
These words were spoken to Riuhoji when he advised Okubo of the danger of keeping the valuable papers, but when on every side they were believed to have been consumed to ashes, they came forth to serve a noble purpose. They save the home of a great statesman and patriot from the shame and dishonor in which it had long been buried.
The able instrument of this noble service is Mr. Shimada Saburo. The occasion was the 19th year of Meiji, 1886. Then, Okubo, who had survived his friend, Riuhoji, felt safe for the first time since their concealment, in bringing out those valuable papers before those who assembled at the sepulchre of Riuhoji to celebrate the anniversary of his death. It was entirely through the deceased man's secrecy that Okubo had been enabled to save those papers as well as his own life.
Mr. Shimada Saburo had already been seeking materials for the biography of Baron li Naosuke, but such data as he could obtain were far from impartial and satisfactory. At last he heard of the existence of the original papers. These were gladly lent him, and from them, and from what he could gather from living authorities, he succeeded in compiling a book which is now ranked among the great works of the Meiji era. The appearance of his book was like a new star in the literary sky of new Japan.
Before committing to print, copies of the book were distributed among those persons for criticism, who were acquainted with the politics and public opinion of the days before 1861. The book was then published with those criticisms in a form of notes. This fact, together with a careful study on the part of the author, makes the work doubly valuable and authentic as a historical record. The criticisms are very favorable, and at the same time confirm the conclusion which the author draws from his own studies and observations.
Besides his disinterested loyalty to the Tokugawa Shogunate the great merit of Baron Ii Kamon-no-Kami as a remarkable statesman and an able diplomat, lies in his conclusion of a commercial treaty with the United States.
To his compatriots, Mr. Shimada has shown, through his book, the admirable merits of this great man, but no biography of him has yet been written in English, so that his true merits have not been fully made known to the American public. The artist Shima Sekka who was a sincere admirer of the Baron, carved his statue in wood and exhibited the work at the World's Columbian Exposition in Chicago. It was then presented by the sculptor to the Museum of Washington, D. C, where it now stands as a memorial of him who sacrificed his life to secure the friendly relations now existing between the United States and the Empire of Japan.
"Nothing is worse than a barrier against the communication of thought." - Naosuke
Saburo, Shimada and Yoshimaro Satoh. Agitated Japan: the Life of Baron Ii Kamon-No-Kami Naosuké. D. Appleton, 1896.
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