Note: This article has been excerpted from a larger work in the public domain and shared here due to its historical value. It may contain outdated ideas and language that do not reflect TOTA’s opinions and beliefs.

From Agitated Japan: the Life of Baron Ii Kamon-No-Kami Naosuké by Shimada Saburo and Yoshimaro Satoh, 1896.

Chapter V

The Consequences

The double problem which had so long agitated the whole country found complete solution at the hand of the Tairo Naosuke, but the feelings of enmity and opposition created by his acts suffered no abatement.

The question of heirship not being so open to discussion as the other, the force of the Opposition Party was now concentrated on the question of the treatment of foreigners. The Opposition attacked Naosuke's policy of concluding the treaty before obtaining the Emperor's formal sanction. They condemned him for an act which, according to their views, was disobedience to the Imperial will.

Now the whole question turns on this point: was the conclusion of the treaty disobedience to the Emperor, or was there sufficient reason authorizing Naosuke to reverse the order of routine and formality in this affair?

Those who condemn Naosuke's policy build their argument on the fact that he went against the Imperial will by signing the American treaty before obtaining sanction from Kioto. But whatever may be said, there is nothing to show that Naosuke disobeyed the Imperial order, for the Cabinet of Kioto never expressly gave orders that the country should be closed to foreign nations. All the instruction given, went no farther than to require further conference among the Princes, Officers, and Barons of the land. To any impartial judge, this fact will clearly exonerate Naosuke from the serious charge of disobedience to the Imperial instruction. Farther, when the tendencies of the times are fully considered, it will also establish his disinterested love for his country. Failure to carry out an instruction and wilful disobedience are two things that must never be confounded.

Shogunate did not open a conference with the Princes and Barons as required by the Imperial instruction that Baron Hotta had received at Kioto. Under the circumstances already narrated, the Tairo did not call a council of the Daimio. Since the Tairo had substantial reasons for changing the traditional and formal order of procedure, he is not only exonerated from the charge of disobedience, but it is seen that the nature of power vested in him authorized him to abide by his own judgment, especially when he saw clearly that it was in the national interests so to act.

Indeed it is not too much to say that without Naosuke's bravery and clear fore-sight, Japan, now in the full enjoyment of the enlightened Meiji era, would not have realized a career of progress so smooth, peaceful, and rapid, nor have taken so great strides in politics, science, and social improvements such as those we witness today.

Another party threw blames not only on Naosuke, but also on the United States representative, Mr. Townsend Harris. They asserted that the latter used threats in forcing Japan to enter into a treaty with the United States, and that Naosuke was compelled to do as he was dictated to by the American representative.

The merit of this view will become apparent when one examines the nature of the so-called threats. "Were they founded on truth, or were they mere words of menace which had no foundation in truth?" History proves that China, fought against the allied forces of France and England, and that her bigotted adherence to the policy of exclusion resulted not only in her defeat, but also in giving a part of her dominion to the conqueror. A diplomat who should carry out the instructions of his government could not be blamed for availing himself of any occurrence that might help him to forward the cause of his mission. When, moreover, it is clear that whatsoever the United States representative said was based on a friendly feeling, there is little room for criticism of Mr. Harris's attitude toward the then government of Dai Nippon.

On the 25th day (6th month) the appointment of the Prince of Kishiu, aged thirteen years, to be Heir Apparent to the Shogun was publicly announced.

On the 2nd day of the 7th month, (August 11), the formal congratulations of the Barons were presented in person, and were received at the Castle in Yedo by the Shogun, and his Heir, whose name was Iyemochi. On the night of this auspicious day, the Shogun was suddenly taken ill, and on the following day, his illness became serious.

On the 4th day, he felt a little better and calling the Tairo and Senators to his room, the mighty problem of how to deal with the Princes of Mito and Owari, and also of the Baron Matsudaira of Echizen, was decided, the result of which was made known on the following day. The Senior Prince of Mito was ordered to confinement in a separate mansion, the Prince of Owari and the Baron of Echizen were ordered to retire from active duty and transfer the government of their territories to their respective heirs. The Prince of Mito and Prince Hitotsubashi were suspended from the privilege of presenting themselves at the Shogun's Court or Castle.

On the 6th day, (August 15), an order was received from Kioto, requiring either the Tairo or one of the Princes of the Three Houses of Tokugawa to appear at the Imperial Court in reference to the question of foreign intercourse.

On the night of the same day the Shogun breathed his last.

Two days before this, (on 4th), three English ships arrived at Shinagawa, a suburb of Yedo, while the Russians came into the city itself and took up their temporary abode in one of the Buddhist temples.

So many things of serious importance came up in so short a time, that all was confusion in the offices of the Shogunate. Each officer had more business than he could transact. The state of affairs was so complicated that it was enough to bewilder minds of ordinary capacity.

Placed in the midst of these complications, Naosuke dispatched Senator Baron Ota to hold a conference with the British representative, with whom the business was facilitated by the previous treaty with the United States. A messenger was sent to Kioto at the same time, stating the circumstances which made it impossible to comply with the Imperial order. A still more important line of business lay in preparing against emergencies that might follow the sentences of condemnation pronounced on the Great Princes and the Baron of Echizen.

It has been stated that the Shogunate intended to dispatch Senator Baron Manabe to Kioto to explain its conduct toward the United States. A paper had been prepared for that purpose but owing to the death of the Shogun, the appointed messenger was prevented from going up, and the paper alone was sent to the Premier Naotada for his perusal. The substance of the document was as follows:

"The question of foreign intercourse is pregnant with serious consequences. The reason why the treaty was concluded with the United States was because of the case requiring an immediate answer. The English and French squadrons after their victory over China were very soon expected to our coasts, and the necessity of holding conferences with different nations at the same time might cause confusion from which little else than war could be expected.

“These foreigners are no longer to be despised. The art of navigation, their steam-vessels, and their military and naval preparations have found full development in their hands. A war with them might result in temporary victories on our part, but when our country should come to be surrounded by their combined navies, the whole land would be involved in consequences which are clearly visible in China's experience.

“This question of foreign intercourse had been referred to the Barons, and most of them knew the disadvantage of war with foreigners. Under these circumstances no other recourse was found than to conclude a treaty and open some of the ports to them for trade. Trying this policy for ten or twelve years, and making full preparation for protection of the country during that period, we can then determine whether to close up or open the country to foreign trade and residence.

“To commit the nation to the policy of exclusion before any experiment, appears to be highly inadvisable. If it were only one nation with which we had to deal, it would be much easier, but several nations, coming at the same time with their advanced arts, it is entirely impossible to refuse their requests to open intercourse with our country. The tendency of the times makes exclusion an entire impossibility. Compliance with their requests will tend to bring safety to the whole land, and thus we shall be able to keep His Majesty free from cares and anxieties for his subjects."

The paper also stated the advisability of opening Hiogo, to which there had been an objection because of its nearness to the Imperial Capital.

A careful examination of the original document shows that special attention was given to the use of words, in order not to enter into collision with anti-foreign prejudices. To state the power and strength of Western nations without reserve, would certainly wound the pride of the politicians and yet the thing could not be kept entirely covered up. The only way was to clothe the circumstances with the words "unavoidable," and " tendency of the times." The unsuccessful mission of Baron Hotta before the Kioto Cabinet was said to have been mainly due to his unreserved description of the power of the Western nations. Instead of convincing the party of opposition the unavoidable nature of the case, Baron Hotta's representation had only served to kindle their blind prejudices, and thus make his mission entirely fruitless.

Such was the feeling of those days. Even those who knew the strength of foreign nations, would not dare to fully express their knowledge, lest they should be misunderstood. The paper also distinctly shows an unfriendly feeling toward foreigners, and this was again a marked feature of those days. An expression of friendliness to a foreign nation would only have stirred up prejudices, and made intercourse with Western nations more and more difficult.

The death of the Shogun Iyesada was publicly announced on the 8th day of 8th month (September 15), and Prince Tayasu was appointed to the regency of the young heir Iyemochi.

By this time, the alienation between the Shogunate and the Prince of Mito became more and more serious. The former kept a strict watch over the actions of the latter, and the residence of Prince Rekko was guarded by the officers of the Shogunate. In Kioto also, the friction between the two parties grew day by day. The Yedo party was led by the Premier Prince Naotada, while the anti-foreign party had a leader in Prince Takatsukasa who was one of the Imperial Councillors, and possessed several influential adherents both in and out of the Imperial Cabinet.

The victory or defeat of either of the two parties seemed to rest in the instructions from His Majesty, the Emperor, but so long as Naotada held the Chancellorship and Naosuke the office of Tairo, their joint power was well established, for any instructions from the Emperor must necessarily pass through the hand of the Premier.

Once it appeared that the Premier was going to lose his power, for his opponent Prince Takatsukasa almost prevailed on him to resign, but the tidings of the public announcement of the Shogun's death, and the installation of the young heir under the regency of Prince Tayasu, encouraged him to continue in the office, for he saw thereby that Naosuke was resolute and unflinching in his policy, in spite of strong opposition.

Among the Imperial Councillors and gentry of Kioto, however, the influence of Prince Rekko was as strong as ever. The loss of his power in Yedo being nothing short of the decadence of the influence of his party in Kioto, the Imperial instruction requiring the presence of either the Tairo or one of the Princes of the Three Houses of Tokugawa, was issued, in order to strengthen the power of the Exclusion Party. The Premier tried to stop the issue of this order, but in vain.

Naosuke knew, however, that should he go up to Kioto to discuss the question, he would place himself at the mercy of his opponents, and that the final result would be the reversal of the policy already taken by the Shogunate. An extraordinary pressure of business at this time, supplied him with a laudable excuse for his non-appearance, while the confinement of the Princes of Mito and Owari, and the youth of the Prince of Kishiu prevented any of the fullgrown Princes from going up to the Imperial City.

Failing in their attempt to call Naosuke to Kioto, and learning that Senator Baron Manabe was coming in his place, the bitter feeling of the Exclusion Party against the Tairo increased all the more, nor were they idle in the meantime. They took advantage of the Premier's absence on account of illness, and managed to draw up two Imperial instructions, one to the Shogunate and the other to the Prince of Mito. The tenor of the instruction to the former was disapproval of opening the country to foreign intercourse, and it also required an explanation of the failure of any of the Tokugawa Princes, or the Tairo, to come to Kioto as commanded in the previous instruction.

This Imperial paper was received on the 18th day of the 8th month (September 25), and on the same day a notice was received from the Prince of Mito that he had been honored with direct instructions from His Majesty. Strangely enough, this document for Prince Mito reached him one day earlier than the one furnished to the Shogunate. In Kioto the paper was delivered through one of the Court Councillors to Ukai, the representative of Prince Mito, whose men immediately left Kioto, and travelling privately reached the Yedo mansion of Prince Mito before the regular bearer of the Imperial paper to the Shogunate arrived in the same city.

The Prince of Mito being yet in his confinement, was not allowed to come to the Court, and the two Senators, Barons Ota and Manabe, were dispatched to the Prince's mansion to see the Imperial document. It was found to be almost the same with the one received by the Shogunate.

This direct granting of an Imperial communication to any other than the Shogunate was a serious departure from long established usage. The Senior Prince of Mito of course knew how it came, but the Junior Prince did not know the secret of its origin. Afterward learning that only the instruction to the Shogunate had been accompanied by a document from the Court Officials, assuring that no contention existed between the Imperial Cabinet and the Shogunate, he asked the two Senators as to what he should do. The moment he had received the communication from Kioto he felt uneasy as to the course he should pursue, for should he keep the matter secret from the Shogunate, it would be a disregard of the Imperial order.

On the other hand, should he make these facts known to the Shogunate, he would expose himself to the suspicion of secret treachery toward the Yedo government. Hence his asking the judgment of the two Senators as to the proper course he should take. Their answer was that they should consult with the Tairo about his question.

On the 22nd day (September 29), a letter was received, from one of Naosuke's confidential men, saying that the Premier's absence had been taken advantage of by his enemies, and that the Premier found it too late to stop the Imperial instruction already drawn up. The letter also stated that the Premier was awaiting the arrival of Baron Manabe in order to initiate proper measures to counteract the artifices of the other party. This piece of news hurried the departure of the Baron, and on the 29th day, (October 6) Naosuke held conference with the Senators as to the tenor of the message to be forwarded to Kioto.

He drew up a lengthy paper stating the circumstances of the situation in detail. Baron Manabe, however, was inclined to leave the greater part of the case to a verbal explanation, and as he was the person to represent the Shogunate, his suggestion was adopted. He left Yedo on his important mission on the 3rd day of the 9th month (October 10).

The relation between the Shogunate and the Party of Exclusion may well be likened unto that of fire and water. The antagonistic feeling had almost reached its acme. It was ready to burst out on the slightest occasion. A secret message of the Exclusion Party to one of the Karo or Elders of the Mito Clan, dated 15th of 9th month (October 22), was intercepted by one of Naosuke's detectives. The letter strongly advised personal violence against Baron Ii Naosuke. In this way it was hoped that his power would be crippled and Prince Rekko be released from confinement.

A comet appeared at the time and out of superstition grew many stories, which were more or less indicative of the spirit of the times.

In the view most prevalent, a serious rebellion was anticipated. Hitherto hostilities between the two parties had proceeded no farther than obstruction. Now, however, the power of the Exclusion Party had assumed a threatening aspect. Their audacity went so far as to persuade the Premier Prince Naotada to resign his office. They saw that the arrival of Baron Manabe in Kioto marked the critical moment in the history of both parties and they tried to undermine the power of the Shogunate by pulling down the only support it had in the Imperial Cabinet. The Premier had to yield to their persuasion, and notified of his intention to resign.

This serious news reached Yedo after Baron Manabe had left the city for Kioto, and the Tairo was utterly ignorant of what had occurred. Nothing surprised Naosuke more than this report. He immediately dispatched a message to overtake Baron Manabe, in which he instructed him to take advantage of the absence of Imperial permission to the Premier's proposed resignation. A mere application to resign did not release any one from his official duties. He also gave instructions that business should be transacted only through the Premier.

The increasing influence of the other party, and the threatening attitude they began to assume, prompted Naosuke to take decisive measures against those in Kioto who were active against the policy of the Shugunate. He ordered the arrest of Umeda, Ukai, and his son, who had done their utmost to subvert the political measure of the Yedo government. Many others were also arrested and thus their strength in the Imperial City was considerably reduced.

This act of Naosuke forms the part of his political career most vulnerable to criticism. While the nature of the power invested in him, and the need of the times authorized him to resort to these severe measures, it cannot be denied that this act of his resulted in a loss of many of the able and brave men of the country. This is an indispensable side of any political change, yet when one considers the greatness of the revolution, which Japan was beginning to undergo, her loss of able men seems comparatively small.

It was on the 10th day of the 9th month (October 17), that Baron Manabe arrived in Kioto. His time was at first spent in suppression of the power of his political opponents. His energetic movements produced so remarkable a change in the state of things in the Imperial City, that Prince Nijo who was one of those who had persuaded Naotada the Premier to resign, now entirely changed his attitude. He met the Premier on the 8th day of the 10th month and. advised him to withdraw his application for resignation which had been kept in abeyance since the 9th month. On the 15th day, Naotada was honored with a letter from His Majesty, the Emperor Komei, encouraging him to continue in his office as Premier.

Naotada could desire nothing more and he began to attend the Cabinet meetings from the 19th day, the political situation in Kioto undergoing a still greater change in favor of the Shogunate.

The Exclusion Party had built the citadel of their resistance in opposition to the opening of Hiogo as a treaty port, and so made it difficult to carry out the purpose of the Shogunate in this matter. The re-instatement of Prince Naotada however opened a way to explain the conduct of the Shogunate in reference to foreign affairs. Baron Manabe presented himself at the Imperial Court on the 24th day of the 10th month, (November 30) to offer explanations, his success being at once apparent.

On the following day the formal inauguration of Iyemochi to the office of Shogun was issued by the Emperor, and Prince Nijo was appointed as the bearer of this Imperial message to the Castle of Yedo.

On the 1st day of the 12th month (January 4, 1859), Iyeshige formally received this Imperial investiture through the hand of Prince Nijo.

On the last day of the same month, (February 3, 1859) an Imperial answer in reference to foreign affairs was received by Baron Manabe in which it was stated that the said question had been a constant source of anxiety to His Majesty, in as much as it concerned a departure from a long tradition, and also the dignity of the Empire, but the unavoidable circumstance of the times having been fully recognized by His Majesty, and the intention of the Shogunate to resume the policy of exclusion having been assured, time is granted for that purpose, and the Shogun is authorized to take temporary measures to suit the requirements of the present time.

The granting of this instruction had come after one hundred and three days from the arrival of Baron Manabe in Kioto, during which time highest order of eloquence and wisdom had been engaged to secure this deliverance from the Throne.

Those leaders of the Opposition who had been arrested were sent down to Yedo for examination. They reached the eastern city on the 29th day of the 12th month (February 3, 1859). A Special Court was opened for their trial, and they were dealt with in accordance with the laws of those days. The ringleaders were sentenced to capital punishment, while minor offenders were banished to respective islands.

This action of the Tairo called down on him the vilest names and malicious epithets that could be invented. They naturally came from the sympathizers of those politicians who were very numerous in those days. What they wrote forms a large part of the Ansei literature. The name of Naosuke came to be identified by many with that of a proud and selfish autocrat of the worst type.

Yet when we judge him by the standard of his age, when political liberty was next to unknown, it would be clear to any impartial judge that this action of Naosuke was based, not on his personal enmity, but on sincere love for his country and on his firm confidence in the advantage of the policy to be followed. It is often by a painful surgical operation that a serious injury and danger to life is avoided. Naosuke's purpose in punishing some of the notorious ringleaders of the Exclusion Party was in order to save the whole land from a dangerous agitation, which might result in an irremediable mistake.

The granting of this latest order from the Emperor was a signal victory of Naosuke's party, and Baron Manabe came back to Yedo on the 15th day of the 3rd month, (April 18, 1859). Now that the ringleaders of the Opposition had been dealt with, the question was what to do with the Imperial instruction sent to the Prince of Mito.

Another question was whether to publicly announce the last order from Kioto, or to keep it officially secret. How to deal with the Imperial Ministers and Councillors in the Exclusion Party was also a question of the times, but before any decided measure was taken by the Shogunate, Prince Takatsukasa and his son, and Princes Konoye and Sanjo resigned.

The Imperial instructions, however, allowed merely a temporary opening of the country. Naosuke being fully convinced of the impossibility of entire exclusion, now endeavored to obtain unqualified sanction of the Emperor to foreign intercourse. In order to accomplish this end, he tried by every means to cement the relation between the Imperial Court and the Shogunate. Not for his personal aggrandizement but for the good of the Empire, he purposed to prevent the extension of any counteracting influence on the Kioto Cabinet.

Hence he proposed the granting of Her Imperial Highness, Princess Kazu, in marriage to the young Shogun. This was a political marriage which Naosuke effected in order to guard against future differences between the two courts, of Kioto and Yedo. Although this marriage took place after the death of the Tairo, yet it was the fruit of his labors in increasing and cementing the amicable relation between the Mikado and his lieutenant. Thus strengthening the basis of the whole duarchy, Naosuke tried gradually to effect the political purposes he had in view.

As to the public announcement of the last orders from Kioto, there was a difference of opinion between the Tairo and Baron Manabe, who said that it would be necessary to obtain permission from the Premier before the instruction could be published. The matter was kept in abeyance, but this difference together with some other causes, finally resulted in the latter’s resignation in the 12th month of that year, 1859.

Now the question demanding immediate attention related to the Imperial instruction sent to the Prince of Mito. The whole power of government had been conferred on the Shogunate since the time of its organization in 1603, and an Imperial instruction on political matters sent to a person other than the Shogun, was detrimental to the sole right of government vested in him.

A conference with the Imperial Cabinet resulted in a new order to the Prince of Mito, requiring him to return the instruction. The opinions of the Clansmen of Mito, however, were strongly divided on this point. One party said that the Imperial instruction should not be given up, and that the new order sent to the Clan must be a cunning artifice of the Shogunate which could not have its origin in the Emperor himself, while the other party approved of quietly returning the paper in compliance with the new order.

The differences of the two factions went so far as an appeal to the sword. The former party actually armed themselves and camped out in order to stop the messenger that might he sent to receive the paper. The whole territory of the Prince of Mito was in a state of great agitation. Some of their eminent men who advocated the returning of the paper were assassinated on the street, and on one occasion the party of those who would not give up the paper, assembled in a body and fought against a band of soldiers sent down to disperse them. It was after some loss of lives on both sides that they were finally driven away.

This state of affairs must have been occasioned by the strong feeling of enmity entertained by many of the clansmen against Naosuke who held the whole power of the Shogunate, and opposed the policy of Prince Rekko. It was on the 17th day of the 12th month (1859), that the Shogunate officially informed the Prince of Mito of the order from Kioto requiring him to return the Imperial instruction given him. Baron Ando was the bearer of this message.

On the 16th day of the 1st month (February 8, 1860), the Prince sent one of his Elders with an escort to the city of Mito, about twenty-five leagues north-west of Yedo. These were instructed to bring back the Imperial paper, but when they arrived at a place about four miles from the Castle of Mito, they found their way blocked by an armed band of the other party. They could not make them open a way for them, so they had to come bade to Yedo without fulfilling their mission.

The party opposed to the return of the Imperial order, fearing that the paper might be secretly stolen away, concealed it in the sacred building in the cemetery of Mito Princes.

All that could now be done under the circumstances by the Prince of Mito was to ask the Shogunate for an extension of time. Matters continued in this state for some months, during which time some drew up a memorial stating the absence of reason for returning the paper with which the cIan had once been honored, while others resorted to force to keep the paper in their clan.

Time went on in this state, and in the 3rd month (March, 1860) the paper could not be received back, for on the 3rd day of that month, the Tairo Naosuke on his way to the Shogun's Court, was suddenly attacked by a band of assassins and met a cruel death at their hands.

Thus ended the short but brilliant career of one of the greatest statesman of the East. At the risk of his personal safety he had broken the thick ice of exclusion and opened this country to the civilization of the 19th century. The hard ice once broken, Japan has made giant strides in her advancement within only thirty years. She now enjoys a perfect peace and unrestrained progress under a sound constitutional government, presided over by the Emperor of an unbroken lineage of nearly three thousand years.

Naosuke was forty-six years old when this sad event cut him off, but according to the orders of the Shogunate, his death was not announced until the last day of the following month. It was given out that he was wounded. To keep up appearances, formal messengers from the Shogun's Castle were frequently sent to the mansion, nominally to inquire after his health.

This year, 1861, was a leap-year and had an intercalary period, making two months of the same name, that is the third. The Tairo's death, when publicly announced was officially dated on the last day of the second 3rd month (May 21, 1860). In those days, and until 1872, the Lunar calendar was used. Every leap-year used to have thirteen months, the duplication of the month differing in each year according to the calculation of the Yedo astronomers. The dead Tairo was buried (May 30th) in the ground of the Temple Gotokuji in Sedagaya village near Yedo, beside the tombs of his predecessors. Eight sons and eight daughters survived him. The eldest son having died young, the second son, Naonori, succeeded, who was made a Count by the present Emperor, when he established the five orders of peerage.

The present master of this historical family is Count Ii Naonori, the second son of the martyr of a policy which gave a new life to an old country isolated for hundreds of years.

Saburo, Shimada and Yoshimaro Satoh. Agitated Japan: the Life of Baron Ii Kamon-No-Kami Naosuké. D. Appleton, 1896.

No Discussions Yet

Discuss Article